Opinion: When BSP’s alliance broke, Dalits got divided into two poles, Hindutva people joined BJP but…

arun Posted On May 16, 2024

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In Uttar Pradesh, the country’s largest state, Dalit voters started getting disillusioned with Mayawati, who was doing Bahujan i.e. Dalit politics. One group is of Ambedkarites and the other is of Hindutvaists.

Sudha Pai, the writer is a political scientist.

Dalit politics was dominant in Uttar Pradesh in the 1990s. A different kind of politics had emerged around the Dalit-led Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). It is now making way for broader demands for social justice and economic progress, especially among poor non-Jatav Dalits. A large section of Dalits feel that politics has been glorified in their name, but their economic aspirations have not been fulfilled. For this reason, dissatisfaction towards Mayawati is making Dalits look for a new place.

BSP’s loss, whose gain?

BJP is taking huge advantage of this dissatisfaction. Its politics based on new welfare schemes, coupled with promises of development and cultural recognition under the banner of new age Hindutva, continues to woo Dalits. Ambedkarite organizations confined to small areas like the Bhim Army, led by a young Dalit, have also emerged as the BSP is now stuck in an existential crisis. The Dalit claim is still strong, but it is now divided along class, ideological and sub-regional lines, divided between pro-BSP Ambedkarite and pro-BJP Hindutva Dalits. There are fine lines of division between these two also.

Limitations of Bhim Army Chief Azad

Due to the disillusionment of BSP, small political organizations of Dalits were born all over Uttar Pradesh. Among these, Bhim Army formed in 2015 in Western UP and Azad Samaj Party formed in 2020 in Saharanpur district are the most important. Both were founded by Jatav lawyer, human rights activist and Ambedkar devotee Chandrashekhar Azad. He is the architect of new Dalit politics in UP. Born to a school teacher in a village, Azad first came into limelight in 2016, when he put up a board ‘The great cobbler of Ghadkhauli welcomes you’ at the entrance of his village. Then in 2021, when an assassination attempt took place, Azad created a lot of discussion.

Azad gained popularity among Jatav youth by fighting against atrocities, taking out cycle marches to further Ambedkar’s ideas and establishing schools for Dalit children. Their movement is gaining momentum. Times Magazine Chandrashekhar

Azad has been included in the list of 100 emerging leaders of the world. However, at present his Bhim Army, which is not even 10 years old yet, is limited to western UP. Apart from this, Shravan Kumar Nirala’s Ambedkar Jan Morcha in Purvanchal and Daddu Prasad’s Bahujan Mukti Party in Bundelkhand are small organizations that have separated from BSP, whose leaders have been in BSP. Their presence is also in very limited areas.

BJP and Dalits

As far as BJP is concerned, the issue of Dalit support for the party is a bit complicated. In view of the upper caste atrocities against Dalits and practical priorities of social life, Dalits are today looking towards BJP. Smaller Dalit sub-castes have long preferred parties that can protect their lives and property from the local dominant castes, primarily Yadavs, and the Samajwadi Party (SP) that represents them. The BSP provided effective protection in the 1990s, but today many Dalits feel that it is the BJP that can best protect their interests.

Even though BJP is considered an ‘upper caste party’ in UP, a large section among Dalits now links the atrocities to the upper castes rather than the BJP. He feels that he had to face similar or even worse atrocities during the SP rule. BSP did not take part in the protests against atrocities on Dalits, but Bhim Army raised this issue vigorously. Thus, despite the respect that Behenji receives as a ‘big leader’ and Azad’s loud voice against atrocities, a large number of Dalit votes ultimately go to BJP.

Are Dalits’ inclination towards BJP increasing due to the decline of BSP or is it happening because Dalits are moving towards Hindutva? In fact, efforts to deepen the sense of Hindutva among small sub-castes like Valmiki have been going on in Uttar Pradesh since the end of the 19th century. But it continued quietly in the decades after independence. Today, there is a purely social and political strategy behind connecting Dalits with Hindutva, the results of which are visible in the election results.

Nagina Lok Sabha constituency sign

This time the opposition India Alliance has brought together Congress and SP in UP, but Mayawati refused to join it. Due to this, a situation of multi-cornered contest has arisen in UP which is helping BJP. This was clearly visible in Nagina, a reserved constituency in western UP, where 21.4% Scheduled Castes voted in the first phase. Here a four-cornered contest was seen between BSP, BJP and India Alliance as well as Azad.

Will Dalits once again vote for BSP, which won 10 seats in alliance with SP in 2019? Will this time the Dalit vote be divided between BSP, Bhim Army and BJP which will benefit BJP? Will Dalits prefer an opposition India that will join hands with Muslims like it did in 2012? Will Hindus unite due to the presence of Muslims, due to which Dalits will also vote for BJP?

Dalits’ fear and confidence

These prospects should be seen in the context of the lack of pro-Modi enthusiasm and the importance of local issues in western UP, which perhaps reflected the lack of enthusiasm among voters in the earlier phases. Also important is the fear among Dalits that a strong BJP government might end reservation by changing the Constitution.

A more confident Dalit community, armed with some recognition and political empowerment under the BSP banner, is now expanding its political ambitions. But the scope for revival of old Dalit parties or creating a movement for new organizations has reduced. Dalits who voted for BSP MPs in 2019 have now left the party and are in all likelihood joining BJP. The longer the BJP remains in power under Modi’s leadership, the greater are the chances of Dalits joining the fold of Hindutva. But, if the new generation Dalit leaders pushing an anti-Hindutva agenda succeed in converting the community’s anger into votes, we may see a new wave of Dalit assertion.