Navigating the post-BSP terrain: Dalit-Muslim political prospects in UP
The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) has traditionally been a prominent political force in Uttar Pradesh for advocating the rights of the Dalit community. Undisputedly, a considerable portion of the minority community (read Muslims) also supports BSP in western UP. Nevertheless, a lack of effective leadership and recent internal turmoil have put the party’s future at risk.
By Narender Nagarwal
The appointment of Mayawati’s nephew, Akash Anand, as her political successor, despite mounting legal pressures on Mayawati, has exacerbated the party’s internal challenges and raised concerns about its viability in North India, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. The BSP’s primary challenge is consolidating the Dalits vote in the 17 Lok Sabha seats in Uttar Pradesh, where it has only secured two seats in Lalganj and Nagina. Additionally, the party’s booth-level workers and cadre have significantly declined, adding to its woes. Simply elevating Akash Anand and labelling posters with slogans like ‘yuva soch, yuva josh’ aur ‘yuva hriday samrat’ does not automatically qualify him as a mass leader.
BSP has witnessed a significant decline in recent times due to various factors such as lack of leadership, negligible booth level cadre, disengagement with BAMCEF, and a continuous decrease in vote share. This has put the BSP in a precarious position, close to being a dead organization. Historically, the BSP has relied heavily on the charismatic leadership of Mayawati, who has served as the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh twice and remained active during the Vajpayee era of the BJP. However, since 2014, the BSP’s vote share has dwindled significantly, and its cadre has remained active only in a few WhatsApp groups run by Ambedkarite activists. The lack of hope among the BSP’s core voters has created uncertainty. Dalit voters are eagerly looking for a leader who is candid, strong, and outspoken like Mayawati was in her earlier phase when she confronted upper-caste chauvinism with her famous words “Tilk Taraju aur Talwar-Maro Jute Inko Char” (the upper-caste people deserved to be punished).
After the 2019 election, her unwavering commitment to the upliftment of Dalits and marginalized communities declined unprecedently and her widespread support catapulted the BSP to prominence in UP politics. However, recent legal troubles involving allegations of financial impropriety, coupled with the intimidating tactics of investigative agencies like the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), have forced Mayawati into a defensive position, effectively silencing her voice in the political arena. Further, Mayawati also made various mistakes or maintained a suspicious silence that indirectly benefited the BJP, it’s a testimony that the BSP is playing under the lap of the BJP. This move of the party has turned away the traditional voters of the party i.e. Dalits and Muslims and now they are looking for alternatives.
The repercussions of Mayawati’s silence are keenly felt among Dalits in UP, who now find themselves adrift without a clear direction or rallying point. In the absence of strong leadership, there is a palpable sense of confusion and disillusionment among Dalit and Muslim voters, many of whom feel abandoned by the very party that once promised to champion their cause. This sentiment is exacerbated by the lack of viable alternatives, as other political parties have historically marginalized Dalits or failed to address their concerns effectively. A common Muslim repeatedly asked, where was the BSP when the entire Muslim population had been facing mob lynching, the violence of cow vigilantism, and social and economic boycotts in the country. In addition to the above, after the K. Danish Ali episode, the traditional Muslim voters of BSP felt illusional and deserted the party and looked for alternatives like the Samajwadi Party or Congress.
The decision by the BSP to anoint Akash Anand, Mayawati’s nephew, as a political leader appears to be a strategic misstep that has further eroded confidence in the party’s leadership and put the BSP on gallows. While familial ties may have played a role in Akash Anand’s elevation, his relative inexperience and lack of political acumen have raised doubts about his ability to effectively lead the party which struggling to win a single Lok Sabha seat, particularly in the face of mounting challenges of its existence. Moreover, the perception of nepotism within the BSP ranks has alienated many supporters who view the move as further evidence of the party’s detachment from the grassroots.
The timing of Akash Anand’s ascent to prominence is particularly unfortunate, as it coincides with a period of intense scrutiny and pressure on the BSP. With Mayawati sidelined by legal troubles, the party is left vulnerable to attacks from political rivals and investigative agencies seeking to exploit its weaknesses. In this volatile environment, placing the reins of leadership in untested hands only serves to hasten the BSP’s decline and embolden its detractors.
The consequences of the BSP’s faltering leadership extend beyond the party itself, posing significant implications for the broader political landscape of North India. Historically, the BSP has played a crucial role in shaping electoral outcomes in UP, often serving as a kingmaker in coalition politics. Its decline not only diminishes the voice of Dalits within the state but also weakens the prospects for meaningful representation and social justice.
In the wake of the BSP’s demise, there is a pressing need for a new paradigm of leadership that can effectively articulate the aspirations and concerns of Dalits in UP and beyond. This necessitates a departure from the politics of personality cults and dynastic succession, towards a more inclusive and participatory model of governance. It also requires a concerted effort to build alliances and coalitions with like-minded parties and movements that share a commitment to social justice and equality.
The demise of BSP, what went wrong?
No stand on the CAA-NRC issue:
Mayawati’s decision to maintain a neutral stance on the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) proved to be a significant misstep. In a time of nationwide protests and heightened tensions, her silence on these issues failed to provide the reassurance and solidarity sought by the Muslim community. By abstaining from making any statements to address the concerns of Muslims who were protesting against perceived discrimination and marginalization, Mayawati missed a crucial opportunity to demonstrate principled leadership and solidarity with a community that forms a significant part of her party’s base. This absence of vocal support only served to deepen the sense of alienation and disenchantment among Muslims, contributing to a widening disconnect between the BSP and some key constituencies of UP. In politics, especially during times of social upheaval, silence can speak volumes, and Mayawati’s neutral stance on the CAA and NRC issues spoke volumes about the party’s priorities and allegiances.
BSP’s flip-flop over Article 370: BSP was notably absent from taking a clear and decisive stand when the Indian government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), unilaterally abrogated Article 370 of the Constitution, thereby revoking the special status of Jammu and Kashmir. This move was accompanied by a complete lockdown in the Kashmir Valley, including stringent restrictions on communication and movement, effectively severing the region from the rest of the country. During this critical juncture, when the rights and autonomy of Kashmiris were being fundamentally altered without their consent, the BSP’s response was conspicuously muted. The party, which claims to champion the cause of marginalized and oppressed communities, failed to vocally oppose the unconstitutional abrogation of Article 370 or condemn the heavy-handed tactics employed in Kashmir. This silence from the BSP leadership further underscored the party’s inability or unwillingness to uphold principles of democracy, justice, and constitutional propriety in the face of authoritarian actions by the ruling government. It also raised questions about the party’s commitment to defending the rights of all citizens, particularly those belonging to minority communities, in the face of state-sponsored repression and the unilateral decision of abrogation of Article 370 which was an unconstitutional move.
BSP was nowhere during Delhi Riots 2020:
The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) remained noticeably silent during the communal violence in 2020 Delhi following protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC). Despite the widespread reports of violence targeting Muslim communities, Mayawati refrained from making any significant statements condemning the violence or expressing solidarity with the affected communities. The BSP’s silence in the face of such communal violence sends a troubling message about the party’s priorities and commitment to upholding the rights and dignity of all citizens, particularly marginalized communities. By failing to speak out against the violence perpetrated by groups affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and other right-wing organizations, the BSP missed a crucial opportunity to assert its role as a party that is committed to social justice and secularism. Mayawati’s conspicuous silence over the unconstitutional detention of Umar Khalid, S R Darapuri, Safura Jargar, Devangana Kalita and Tahir Hussain further widen the gap between BSP and its minority voters.
Moreover, the BSP’s lack of vocal opposition to the targeting of Muslims in the name of issues such as the hijab, halal, azan, and economic boycott in states like Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh further underscores its failure to confront communalism and religious discrimination head-on. These incidents not only violate the fundamental rights of Muslims but also pose a threat to the secular fabric of Indian society. Mayawati’s silence on these matters is particularly concerning given the BSP’s historical mandate to represent marginalized communities, including Muslims, Dalits, and other religious minorities.
The BSP runs the risk of alienating its supporters and ruination its standing as a political force for social justice, minority rights and civil liberties if it does nothing in the face of communal violence, mob lynching, cow vigilantism, and discrimination against Muslims. Being a popular leader of Dalits, Mayawati had the potential to halt BJP’s bloodbath and anarchy against Dalits and Muslims in UP but she chose to remain silent at the merciless instances of bulldozer justice, communal violence and discrimination. Failing to do so feeds a vicious circle of injustice, divisiveness, and fear in addition to giving offenders more confidence. Why would the BSP, which is following the BJP, be trusted in such a situation by the minority and Dalits? The BSP must reassess its stance on such critical issues and recommit itself to the principles of secularism, inclusivity, and human rights that form the bedrock of a democratic society.
Mayawati failed to protect her own MP Danish Ali:
The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) faced severe criticism and alienation from the Muslim community when it failed to support its own Member of Parliament, Kunwar Danish Ali (MP from Amroha) during a shocking incident in Parliament. The jargon used by Ramesh Bidhuri in the Lok Sabha, which was recorded and broadcast live on news channels, to refer to Kunwar Danish Ali as a “Bharwa” (pimp), “Katwa” (circumcised), “Mullah Atankwadi” and “Mullah Ugrawadi” (Muslim terrorist) is pure language of violence and is more serious than hate speech. The divisive MP publicly threatened Kunwar Danish Ali, saying, “I’ll see you outside the parliament.” During this shameful incident, Harsh Vardhan, a former minister of health and science and technology, as well as Ravi Shankar Prasad, a former minister of law and justice and communications and information technology, were sitting next to Bidhuri and found the situation amusing as they laughed throughout his outburst.
This incident not only showcased the lack of solidarity within the party but also highlighted a glaring disregard for the safety and dignity of its Muslim members. The BSP’s failure to stand up for Danish Ali, a prominent Muslim leader within the party, sent a clear message of neglect and indifference towards the concerns and rights of the Muslim community. By allowing such an incident to pass without condemnation or action, the BSP further widened the gulf between itself and the Muslim electorate, eroding trust and confidence in the party’s ability to represent their interests.
Lost national status and didn’t join the INDIA Alliance:
Mayawati indeed made a significant strategic political error by not joining the INDIA alliance led by the Indian National Congress and comprising various opposition parties. This alliance aimed to counter communalism and uphold the principles of the Constitution, democracy, and the rule of law. By abstaining from joining this coalition, the BSP has convey the message that she has indirectly aligned with the BJP. The decision to remain aloof from the grand alliance not only isolated the BSP politically but also underscored a lack of strategic foresight. In a politically charged environment where the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been accused of promoting communalism and undermining democratic institutions, a united front of opposition parties offered the best chance to challenge these trends effectively. However, by choosing to stay out of the alliance, the BSP marginalized itself and weakened the collective effort to counter divisive politics, hence strengthened the saffron party.
Furthermore, the BSP’s failure to secure national party status due to a decline in its vote share represents a significant setback for the party. National party status not only confers certain privileges and recognition but also symbolizes a party’s national relevance and influence. The loss of this status reflects a broader decline in the BSP’s electoral fortunes and highlights the party’s struggles to maintain its support base and relevance in Uttar Pradesh and beyond.Combined, these factors have contributed to the BSP’s diminishing influence and relevance in Uttar Pradesh politics. The party’s isolation from the grand alliance, coupled with its loss of national party status, has further weakened its ability to effectively challenge the dominance of the BJP in the state. Moving forward, the BSP will need to reassess its strategy and priorities to regain lost ground and reassert itself as a formidable political force committed to social justice and inclusive governance.
Mayawati-a script reader not leader:
Mayawati is not a great ideological leader with an all-India reach like Kanshi Ram. She may have oratory skills but she can’t speak without scripted documents. All media and common man closely watched her bodily posture as she always preferred reading scripted speech and never took direct questions from the press. She is lacking an ideological standpoint and is a politician who cannot inspire the cadre. She has gradually become a ‘script-reading leader’ even in public meetings. It is a sad state of affairs. Illiterate, semi-literate and even educated Indian masses need a leader who arouses emotions in public meetings.
Mayawati’s shift to its ideology-
Mayawati, an influential Dalit leader in Indian politics, has recently undergone a shift in her approach to the Dalit cause. This change coincided with her newfound association with Satish Mishra, a Brahmin leader. Together, they altered the fundamental slogan of Kanshi Ram’s party from ‘Bahujan Samaj’ to ‘Sarvajan Samaj.’ However, this new slogan appears to exclude other important Dalit communities, such as Khatik, Raigar, Dhobi, Khati, and Kumhar, raising questions about the inclusivity of the party. This also raises the question of why BSP has not altered its narrative to reflect that it is not just a “Jatav Samaj Party”, but a political platform for all Dalit, OBC and minority communities. Mayawati’s recent actions seem to have caused damage to her political vehicle, and many are questioning the thought process behind these changes.
The way ahead
The political scenario in Uttar Pradesh poses a significant challenge for the Dalit community. The BSP’s social engineering strategy has been boomeranged in last legislative assembly election and the 2019 Lok Sabha election, with the Jatav community being the only group that still supports the party. However, even they seem to be losing faith in the party, as evidenced by their recent desertion in favour of the SP and BJP. This has left the Dalit and Muslim communities in Uttar Pradesh without effective political representation and organization. Given their historical marginalization and political underrepresentation, it is imperative that these two groups unite to seek a viable alternative that can genuinely address their collective interests and concerns. The collaboration of these two communities has the potential to be a transformative force in state politics. Why Dalits and Muslims should join hands in UP, here are few justifications.
Firstly, Dalits and Muslims share common socio-economic and political challenges, including caste-based discrimination, religious prejudice, and economic deprivation. By forging a coalition, they can amplify their voices and demand policies that address these systemic inequalities. Together, they represent a significant portion of the state’s population, which, if mobilized effectively, can influence electoral outcomes and shape the political agenda. Secondly, joining forces can foster solidarity and mutual empowerment among Dalits and Muslims. By building alliances based on shared grievances and aspirations, they can transcend narrow sectarian interests and work towards broader social justice and inclusivity. This unity can serve as a bulwark against divisive forces that seek to exploit communal fault lines for political gain. Thirdly, a joint Dalit-Muslim alliance has the potential to disrupt the existing political landscape dominated by major parties like the BJP. These parties have often used identity politics and caste-based mobilization to consolidate their support base, marginalizing minorities and perpetuating social divisions. By offering a credible alternative, the alliance can challenge this status quo and foster a more inclusive and representative democracy.
However, building a successful Dalit-Muslim coalition requires careful navigation of internal differences and building trust through dialogue and mutual respect. Both communities have diverse interests and priorities, and any alliance must accommodate these complexities while remaining committed to a shared vision of social justice and equality. Moreover, such an alliance should also reach out to other marginalized groups, including OBCs (Other Backward Classes) and women, to build a broader coalition for progressive change. By harnessing the collective strength of diverse communities, the alliance can become a formidable political force capable of challenging entrenched power structures and advancing a more inclusive and equitable agenda in Uttar Pradesh.
SP-Congress Alliance- Dalit-Muslim must seal the triumph
With the 2024 Lok Sabha election on the horizon, all major political players are keen on securing the BSP’s Dalit vote bank, given the party’s persistent decline in electoral performance in Uttar Pradesh (UP) since 2014. The new SP and Congress Alliance are making efforts to gain the confidence of the state’s nearly 22% Dalit population, which holds significant political significance in UP. If the Muslim and Dalit communities support the SP-Congress alliance, the Mayawati-led BSP may be rendered obsolete. In 2007, the BSP secured a government on its own after winning over 206 seats in the 403-seat assembly with a 30.43% vote share. However, the BSP’s performance has been on a downward trend following the 2012 Assembly election. It presently holds only one seat and a 12.88% vote share, which is 17.55% less than its 2007 vote share. Given these circumstances, it is highly likely that the party may not be able to save its deposits in its home state of UP during the upcoming Lok Sabha election. Therefore, it would be wise for the Dalit Muslim population to support the SP-Congress alliance instead of backing a defunct party.
Courtesy : MM
Note: This news piece was originally published in muslimmirror.com and used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes exclusively for Human Right